A Crown Council (Romania, August 1914)
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Spring 1866. Having overthrown their ruler, politicians of the recently proclaimed country of Romania, following the example of Greece and Belgium, are looking for a foreign monarch.
Their choice falls on Philippe, Count of Flanders, younger brother of the King of the Belgians. Philippe, though, has no intention to exile himself to some Balkan Ruritania; however, his brother-in-law, a Prussian officer, Karl of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, from the Catholic branch of the ruling family of Prussia, does accept. Under the name of Carol I, he would reign for the next 48 years as a conscientious and dutiful monarch, yet never forgetting his German origin.
In 1883, Romania, fearing Russian designs, adheres to the Dreibund (Triple Alliance) of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. But it does so in secret, for the Romanian public opinion (such as it is, in a country where the majority are illiterate peasants) is overwhelmingly Francophile.
As the 1914 July Crisis approaches its climax, Julius von Waldthausen and Ottokar Czernin, the German and, respectively, Austrian-Hungarian envoys, press the 75-year-old King to mobilize his army against Russia. Carol has not forgotten his Prussian roots and firmly believes in the coming German victory. But the political class is as Francophile as ever; moreover, relations with Austria-Hungary have reached a glacial low due to her support of Bulgaria in the 2nd Balkan War and to the increasingly harsh treatment meted out to the Romanians of Transylvania (then part of Hungary).
On July 28, 1914, Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia. Two days later, Russia mobilizes. On August 1, Germany declares war on Russia and invades Luxembourg. On August 2, Germany delivers her ultimatum to Belgium.
On August 3, the old King summons to the Peleș Castle, the royal summer residence near Sinaia, a Crown Council. Other than himself, Crown Prince Ferdinand (his nephew and heir to the throne) and Ion IC Brătianu, the Prime Minister, the council consists of 17 prominent politicians, members of the Liberal government or of the Conservative opposition.
Outside the closed doors of the walnut-panelled room pace Queen Elisabeth and Crown Princess Marie. They are on opposing sides. The Queen, scion of a German aristocratic family from the Rheinland, is, if possible, even more pro-German than the King: the Germans "must become lords of the world, for the good of humanity". The Crown Prince's consort, formerly Marie of Edinburgh, a grand-daughter of Queen Victoria and a second cousin of the Tsar, is just as fiercely pro-Entente. Beautiful, intelligent and headstrong, she wields a great deal of influence over the timid and vacillating Crown Prince.
The King has never learned to speak well Romanian, and cannot trust himself to use it in this highly charged circumstance. But most of those present have little or no German, so Carol opens the proceedings in halting French. Whatever her sentiments, Romania should follow the dictates of honour and self-interest, he argues. Therefore she cannot stay neutral, for this means losing her international position after the war; she should mobilize and join her partners in the Triple Alliance, according to the treaty renewed in 1912.
The speech is met with profound silence. At length, Brătianu, the powerful Prime Minister, responds. Romania cannot join Austria‑Hungary, the oppressor of the Transylvanian Romanians. She cannot go against France and Britain, her spiritual allies and cultural models. She must stay neutral and the government must prepare the public opinion for joining the Entente, in the expectation of being rewarded with Transylvania after the war. In peace time, the King can follow a policy opposed to the sentiment of the country; but it is impossible to make war in defiance of that sentiment.
Of the other politicians, only one, a former Conservative Prime Minister, supports the King. Everybody else is in favour of neutrality. Someone points out that most of them had not even seen the treaty of alliance, let alone approve it, which makes it unconstitutional. The Crown Prince, although he also believes in the ultimate German victory, is too much in awe of his wife to support his uncle.
The council is drawing to a close, when a valet knocks at the door. The Italian ambassador, Baron Carlo Fasciotti, requests an urgent and immediate audience with the King. He informs the King that, as Austria-Hungary has declared war on Serbia, Italy considers that the conditions of a casus foederis have not been met and she has therefore decided to remain neutral.
It is the last straw. The King returns to conclude the meeting: Romania will not join the war. The monarch is dejected; the Crown Princess is exultant; the Queen is fuming: Carol should abdicate and shake the dust of this ungrateful country from his feet. "Das ist Unsinn, Elisabeth", growls the old King.
Two months later, King Carol I died, perhaps of a broken heart, perhaps of old age and illness. Two years later, Romania joined the war on the side of the Entente -- only to encounter disaster in short order. But she did get Transylvania (and a fair bit else besides) in the end.
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