Insiders say dysfunction within Griffin’s office is creating concerns within the Pentagon and on Capitol Hill.

As the three most powerful civilians in the Army Department, Esper, McCarthy, and Jette have formed by all accounts a tight-knit and effective team. That’s particularly remarkable because they’ve had abundant opportunities for conflict as they turned the Army bureaucracy upside down.

Next-Gen OPIR program is moving right along as Lockheed and Raytheon keep their heads down amid funding discussions between the Air Force and Congress.

A junior GOP congressman will challenge the Democratic House leadership to restore $96 million in funding for intermediate-ranged conventional missiles, cut by the Democratic majority for fear the new weapons would reignite an arms race that ended in 1987.

“Given the DoD’s poor job of presenting how we would move people and what criteria would be used, the congressional pushback is expected,” says one Space Force proponent.

GAO’s own data show that the supposed cost growth at the heart of the analysis does not exist at all. The patient reader will find that the real reason for this “cost growth” is increased purchase quantities. In plain terms, the Pentagon bought more weapons.

USDI Kari Bingen says that DoD’s mission “is hampered when we have to pay in time and money analysts and experts to manually translate data files … to makes systems and data interoperable because of proprietary data standards and formats.”

Capitol Hill has some concerns over the state of the Navy’s Ford-class aircraft carrier, but the Navy is moving forward with next-generation technology, fixing as it goes.

One of Washington’s leading budget experts explains how bipartisan supporters of Pentagon funding will steamroll the Budget Control Act.

SASC wants the Air Force and DoD “to come back to the oversight committee every single month” to explain how they are standing up the new Space Force — if it is finally approved by Congress.